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TIME: Almanac 1995
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TIME Almanac 1995.iso
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070389
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07038900.069
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1994-03-25
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<text id=89TT1758>
<title>
July 03, 1989: The Presidency
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
July 03, 1989 Great Ball Of Fire:Angry Sun
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
NATION, Page 16
The Presidency
Giving Honor to Old Glory
</hdr><body>
<p>By Hugh Sidey
</p>
<p> "No matter whether th' constitution follows th' flag or not,
th' supreme coort follows th' iliction returns."
</p>
<p> -- Mr. Dooley
</p>
<p> Not this time. Neither the flag nor the returns. "That flag
decision," allowed political analyst Horace Busby, "shows that
old Mr. Dooley (Finley Peter Dunne's fictional Chicago
bartender) sometimes didn't know what he was talking about.
This Supreme Court must not even read the newspapers." Busby
plans to monitor the July 4th festivities across the nation. If
the flag burners come out in force, there could be quite a
political ruckus and possibly a constitutional amendment in less
time than it takes to sing The Star-Spangled Banner.
</p>
<p> On the morning after the court had, with great heaving and
sighing, delivered the flag decision, George Bush hit the Oval
Office about 7:l5. He did not even want to hear about the state
of the world from his CIA briefer until he had dealt with flag
burning. In the three-minute walk from his apartment upstairs,
he probably saw the flag in the Yellow Room or maybe the one in
the Blue Room. Maybe he glanced down toward the Mall and spied
the 50 flags at the base of the Washington Monument. If he
missed all those flags, there was one right behind his desk in
the Oval Office.
</p>
<p> Bush called flag burning reprehensible. He vowed that he
would say so publicly later in the day. Where he left off, his
senior staff picked up. "Seems to me," said one aide, "any
virtue if carried to an extreme becomes a vice. No right is
absolute if it is outweighed by damage to that society."
</p>
<p> There is nothing hokey about Bush's indignation. He has
carried his reverence for the symbols of freedom on his sleeve
as long as he has been in politics and used them a time or two
for political advantage. Back in the presidential primary
campaign of l988, Bush's field surveys showed that the
controversy over requiring the Pledge of Allegiance in schools
was a warm issue, the pro-Pledge stand wildly favored in many
audiences. His visit to a New Jersey flag factory during the
campaign drew some boos from the political commentators, but
Bush never blushed.
</p>
<p> Handling the flag at that level of power is tricky. Lyndon
Johnson quite literally ground his teeth when he looked out his
White House window and saw the Viet Nam protesters desecrate
flags. But he was a prisoner of jingoism gone sour. Richard
Nixon used the Stars and Stripes as a weapon against the
marchers, ordering extraordinary displays of flags, pointedly
wearing a flag lapel pin.
</p>
<p> Air Force One pilot Colonel Ralph Albertazzie had a better
idea. When traveling abroad with the President, he was moved by
the sight of people weeping when the plane taxied up. But he
often flew and landed at night, and the long, graceful fuselage
was swallowed by the dark. Albertazzie had small spotlights
installed in the plane's horizontal stabilizers to illuminate
the flag painted on its towering rudder. Wherever and whenever
the President flies, the flag glows; the darker the night, the
more spectacular the effect. That, in a way, is the history of
the flag. It is not going to change, whatever the court may say.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>